What Would Happen if All Americans Never Went Out to Eat Again

Millions of working Americans don't know where their next meal is coming from. Nosotros sent three photographers to explore hunger in three very different parts of the U.s.a., each giving dissimilar faces to the same statistic: I-sixth of Americans don't accept enough food to eat.

Osage, Iowa
Photographs by Amy Toensing
On our nation's richest lands, farmers grow corn and soybeans used to feed livestock, brand cooking oil, and produce sweeteners. Still one in eight Iowans frequently goes hungry, with children the most vulnerable to nutrient insecurity.

Houston, Texas
Photographs by Kitra Cahana
Despite a strong economy, Houston is ringed by neighborhoods where many working families can't afford groceries. Hunger has grown faster in America's suburbs than in its cities over the past decade, creating a class of "SUV poor."

Bronx, New York
Photographs by Stephanie Sinclair
Urban neighborhoods with pervasive unemployment and poverty are home to the hungriest. The South Bronx has the highest rate of nutrient insecurity in the country, 37 percent, compared with 16.6 for New York Urban center as a whole.

The New Face of Hunger

On a gold-grayness morning in Mitchell County, Iowa, Christina Dreier sends her son, Keagan, to school without breakfast. He is three years sometime, barrel-chested, and stubborn, and usually refuses to eat the free meal he qualifies for at preschool. Faced with a dwindling pantry, Dreier has decided to endeavor some tough dear: If she sends Keagan to school hungry, maybe he'll consume the free breakfast, which will exit more food at dwelling for lunch.

Dreier knows her gambit might backfire, and it does. Keagan ignores the school breakfast on offer and is so hungry by lunchtime that Dreier picks through the dregs of her freezer in hopes of filling him and his little sister up. She shakes the terminal seven chicken nuggets onto a battered baking canvass, adds the remnants of a pocketbook of Irish potato Tots and a couple of hot dogs from the refrigerator, and slides it all into the oven. She'south gone through most of the food she got last week from a local food pantry; her ain dejeuner volition exist the bits of potato left on the kids' plates. "I eat dejeuner if at that place's enough," she says. "Just the kids are the almost important. They have to swallow first."

The fear of beingness unable to feed her children hangs over Dreier'southward days. She and her husband, Jim, pit one nib against the next—the telephone against the rent confronting the heat against the gas—trying always to set aside money to brand up for what they can't become from the food pantry or with their food stamps, issued by the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP). Congressional cuts to SNAP final fall of five billion dollars pared her benefits from $205 to $172 a calendar month.

On this particular afternoon Dreier is worried nearly the family van, which is on the brink of repossession. She and Jim need to open a new banking concern account so they can brand automatic payments instead of scrambling to pay in cash. But that volition happen only if Jim finishes work early on. It'south peak harvest time, and he oftentimes works until eight at dark, applying pesticides on commercial farms for $14 an hour. Running the errand would hateful forgoing overtime pay that could go for groceries.

It'due south the same every month, Dreier says. Bills become unpaid considering, when push comes to shove, food wins out. "We have to eat, you know," she says, but the slightest hint of resignation in her voice. "Nosotros can't starve."

Chances are good that if you movie what hunger looks like, you don't summon an paradigm of someone like Christina Dreier: white, married, clothed, and housed, even a bit overweight. The image of hunger in America today differs markedly from Depression-era images of the gaunt-faced unemployed scavenging for food on urban streets. "This is not your grandmother's hunger," says Janet Poppendieck, a sociologist at the City University of New York. "Today more working people and their families are hungry because wages have declined."

In the U.s. more than half of hungry households are white, and two-thirds of those with children accept at least i working adult—typically in a total-time job. With this new paradigm comes a new lexicon: In 2006 the U.S. authorities replaced "hunger" with the term "food insecure" to describe any household where, one-time during the previous year, people didn't have plenty food to eat. By whatsoever name, the number of people going hungry has grown dramatically in the U.S., increasing to 48 million by 2012—a fivefold spring since the late 1960s, including an increment of 57 percent since the belatedly 1990s. Privately run programs like food pantries and soup kitchens accept mushroomed likewise. In 1980 there were a few hundred emergency food programs across the country; today at that place are 50,000. Finding food has become a fundamental worry for millions of Americans. 1 in six reports running out of food at least once a year. In many European countries, past contrast, the number is closer to one in 20.

To witness hunger in America today is to enter a twilight zone where refrigerators are then frequently bare of all but mustard and ketchup that it provokes no remark, inspires no embarrassment. Here dinners are cooked using macaroni-and-cheese mixes and other candy ingredients from food pantries, and fresh fruits and vegetables are eaten merely in the starting time days after the SNAP payment arrives. Here you'll come across hungry farmhands and retired schoolteachers, hungry families who are in the U.S. without papers and hungry families whose histories stretch back to the Mayflower. Here pocketing nutrient from work and skipping meals to make food stretch are so common that such practices barely register equally a way of coping with hunger and are simply a mode of life.

It can exist tempting to ask families receiving food assistance, If yous're actually hungry, then how can you lot be—as many of them are—overweight? The answer is "this paradox that hunger and obesity are two sides of the aforementioned coin," says Melissa Boteach, vice president of the Poverty and Prosperity Programme of the Centre for American Progress, "people making trade-offs between food that'due south filling but not nutritious and may actually contribute to obesity." For many of the hungry in America, the extra pounds that event from a poor diet are collateral damage—an unintended side effect of hunger itself.

Help for the Hungry

More than 48 meg Americans rely on what used to be called nutrient stamps, now SNAP: the Supplemental Diet Assist Program.

Map of SNAP participation in the United States

In 2013 benefits totaled $75 billion, simply payments to nigh households dropped; the average monthly benefit was $133.07 a person, less than $1.50 a repast. SNAP recipients typically run through their monthly allotment in 3 weeks, then turn to food pantries. Who qualifies for SNAP? Households with gross incomes no more than 130 percent of the poverty rate. For a family unit of four that qualifying betoken is $31,005 a year.*

*Qualifying incomes in Alaska and Hawaii are higher than in the contiguous U.S.

As the face of hunger has changed, so has its address. The town of Bound, Texas, is where ranchland meets Houston's sprawl, a suburb of curving streets and shade copse and privacy fences. The suburbs are the domicile of the American dream, but they are also a place where poverty is on the rise. As urban housing has gotten more than expensive, the working poor have been pushed out. Today hunger in the suburbs is growing faster than in cities, having more than doubled since 2007.

Yet in the suburbs America's hungry don't wait the part either. They bulldoze cars, which are a necessity, not a luxury, hither. Inexpensive clothes and toys tin be plant at k sales and thrift shops, making a center-class appearance affordable. Consumer electronics can be bought on installment plans, so the hungry rarely lack phones or televisions. Of all the suburbs in the country, northwest Houston is 1 of the best places to run across how people alive on what might be called a minimum-wage nutrition: Information technology has one of the highest percentages of households receiving SNAP assistance where at least one family unit member holds down a job. The Jefferson sisters, Meme and Kai, live hither in a four-chamber, two-car-garage, ii-bathroom home with Kai's fellow, Frank, and an extended family that includes their invalid mother, their v sons, a daughter-in-law, and v grandchildren. The firm has a rickety desktop computer in the living room and a tv in nigh rooms, merely only two bodily beds; nearly anybody sleeps on mattresses or piles of blankets spread out on the floor.

Though all three adults work full-time, their income is not plenty to keep the family consistently fed without assistance. The root problem is the lack of jobs that pay wages a family can live on, so food assistance has go the government's—and gild'south—manner to supplement low wages. The Jeffersons receive $125 in nutrient stamps each month, and a charity brings in meals for their crippled matriarch.

Like most of the new American hungry, the Jeffersons face not a total absence of nutrient just the gnawing fearfulness that the next meal can't exist counted on. When Meme shows me the family'south food supply, the refrigerator holds takeout boxes and beverages but picayune fresh food. Two cupboards are stocked with a smattering of canned beans and sauces. A pair of freezers in the garage each contain a single layer of food, enough to fill bellies for merely a few days. Meme says she took the children aside a few months earlier to tell them they were eating too much and wasting food besides. "I told them if they continue wasting, we have to become alive on the corner, beg for money, or something."

Stranded in a Food Desert

Tens of thousands of people in Houston and in other parts of the U.Due south. alive in a food desert: They're more than than half a mile from a supermarket and don't own a car, because of poverty, illness, or age. Public transportation may not fill the gap. Small-scale markets or fast-food restaurants may be inside walking distance, merely not all take vouchers. If they do, costs may be higher and nutritious options fewer.

Map of food deserts in Houston, Texas

Jacqueline Christian is another Houston female parent who has a full-time job, drives a comfy sedan, and wears flattering clothes. Her older son, 15-year-sometime Ja'Zarrian, sports bright orange Air Jordans. There'south piffling clue to the family's hardship until you larn that their clothes come mostly from discount stores, that Ja'Zarrian mowed lawns for a summertime to become the sneakers, that they're living in a homeless shelter, and that despite receiving $325 in monthly food stamps, Christian worries well-nigh non having plenty food "nigh half of the yr."

Christian works equally a home health adjutant, earning $7.75 an 60 minutes at a job that requires her to crisscross Houston's sprawl to encounter her clients. Her schedule, as much as her wages, influences what she eats. To save time she oftentimes relies on premade food from grocery stores. "You lot tin can't go all the way dwelling and cook," she says.

On a day that includes running a dozen errands and charming her payday loan officer into giving her an extra day, Christian picks up Ja'Zarrian and her seven-yr-old, Jerimiah, later on school. Equally the sun drops in the sky, Jerimiah begins lament that he'due south hungry. The neon glow of a Hartz Chicken Buffet appears upwardly the road, and he starts in: Tin't we just get some gizzards, please?

Christian pulls into the drive-through and orders a combo of fried gizzards and okra for $8.eleven. It takes three declined credit cards and an emergency loan from her mother, who lives nearby, before she tin can pay for information technology. When the food finally arrives, filling the car with the smell of hot grease, there'due south a collective sense of relief. On the drive dorsum to the shelter the boys eat until the gizzards are gone, and so migrate off to sleep.

Christian says she knows she can't afford to eat out and that fast food isn't a salubrious meal. Simply she'd felt as well stressed—past time, by Jerimiah's insistence, by how piffling money she has—non to give in. "Maybe I can't justify that to someone who wasn't hither to run across, you know?" she says. "But I couldn't let them downwards and not get the food."

Photos of the Reams family foraging for food

To supplement what they get from the food pantry, the greenbacks-strapped Reams family forages in the forest nigh their Osage dwelling house for puffball mushrooms and grapes. Kyera Reams cans homegrown vegetables when they are in flavour and plentiful, so that her family can eat healthfully all year. "I'yard resourceful with my food," she says. "I retrieve almost what people did in the Great Depression."

Of course it is possible to eat well cheaply in America, only it takes resources and know-how that many low-income Americans don't have. Kyera Reams of Osage, Iowa, puts an incredible amount of free energy into feeding her family unit of six a healthy diet, with the assistance of staples from food banks and $650 in monthly SNAP benefits. A stay-at-home mom with a high school instruction, Reams has taught herself how to tin fresh produce and forage for wild ginger and cranberries. When she learned that SNAP benefits could be used to purchase vegetable plants, she dug ii gardens in her yard. She has learned about wild mushrooms then she can safely pick ones that aren't poisonous and has lobbied the local library to stock field guides to edible wild plants.

"Nosotros wouldn't consume healthy at all if we lived off the food-bank food," Reams says. Many foods commonly donated to—or bought by—food pantries are high in salt, sugar, and fat. She estimates her family unit could alive for three months on the nutritious foods she's saved upwards. The Reamses accept food security, in other words, because Kyera makes procuring food her full-time chore, along with caring for her husband, whose disability payments provide their only income.

But most of the working poor don't have the time or know-how required to eat well on little. Frequently working multiple jobs and night shifts, they tend to swallow on the run. Healthful food can be hard to find in then-called food deserts—communities with few or no full-service groceries. Jackie Christian didn't resort to feeding her sons fried gizzards because it was affordable but because it was piece of cake. Given the dramatic increase in cheap fast foods and processed foods, when the hungry accept money to swallow, they often get for what's convenient, but as better-off families exercise.

Information technology's a cruel irony that people in rural Iowa can be malnourished amongst forests of cornstalks running to the horizon. Iowa dirt is some of the richest in the nation, even bringing out the poet in agronomists, who describe it as "black gold." In 2007 Iowa'due south fields produced roughly one-6th of all corn and soybeans grown in the U.Due south., churning out billions of bushels.

These are the very crops that cease up on Christina Dreier's kitchen tabular array in the grade of hot dogs made of corn-raised beef, Mountain Dew sweetened with corn syrup, and craven nuggets fried in soybean oil. They're also the foods that the U.S. government supports the nearly. In 2012 it spent roughly $11 billion to subsidize and insure article crops like corn and soy, with Iowa among united states receiving the highest subsidies. The regime spends much less to bolster the product of the fruits and vegetables its ain diet guidelines say should make upwardly one-half the nutrient on our plates. In 2011 information technology spent only $1.six billion to subsidize and insure "specialty crops"—the bureaucratic term for fruits and vegetables.

Those priorities are reflected at the grocery store, where the price of fresh food has risen steadily while the price of sugary treats like soda has dropped. Since the early 1980s the real price of fruits and vegetables has increased by 24 per centum. Meanwhile the toll of nonalcoholic beverages—primarily sodas, almost sweetened with corn syrup—has dropped by 27 percentage.

"We've created a system that's geared toward keeping overall food prices low just does little to support healthy, loftier-quality nutrient," says global food expert Raj Patel. "The problem can't be fixed by but telling people to eat their fruits and vegetables, considering at center this is a trouble virtually wages, about poverty."

When Christina Dreier's cupboards start to get bare, she tries to persuade her kids to skip snack time. "But sometimes they consume saltine crackers, because we get that from the nutrient banking company," she said, sighing. "It ain't salubrious for them, simply I'm not going to tell them they can't consume if they're hungry."

The Dreiers take not given up on trying to eat well. Like the Reamses, they've sown patches of vegetables and a stretch of sweetness corn in the large green yard carved out of the cornfields behind their house. But when the garden is done for the year, Christina fights a battle every time she goes to the supermarket or the nutrient depository financial institution. In both places healthy foods are most out of attain. When the food stamps come up in, she splurges on her monthly supply of produce, including a bag of organic grapes and a bag of apples. "They dearest fruit," she says with obvious pride. Simply almost of her food dollars become to the meat, eggs, and milk that the food depository financial institution doesn't provide; with noodles and sauce from the food pantry, a spaghetti dinner costs her only the $three.88 required to buy hamburger for the sauce.

What she has, Christina says, is a kitchen with well-nigh plenty food virtually of the time. It's only those dicey moments, afterward a new bill arrives or she needs gas to drive the kids to town, that brand it hard. "We're not starved around here," she says one morning as she mixes up powdered milk for her girl. "But some days, we practise go a piffling hungry."

Crops Taxpayers Support With Subsidies

Federal ingather subsidies began in the 1920s, when a quarter of the U.S. population worked on farms. The funds were meant to buffer losses from fluctuating harvests and natural disasters. Today well-nigh subsidies become to a few staple crops, produced mainly by large agricultural companies and cooperatives.

Chart of top farm subsidies by crop


How Subsidized Crops Touch on Nutrition

Subsidized corn is used for biofuel, corn syrup, and, mixed with soybeans, chicken feed. Subsidies reduce crop prices but besides back up the abundance of processed foods, which are more affordable but less nutritious. Beyond income brackets, processed foods make upwardly a large function of the American diet.

Chart of top sources of calories for low-income individuals

Tracie McMillan is the author of The American Way of Eating and a Senior Fellow at the Schuster Institute for Investigative Journalism at Brandeis University. Photographers Kitra Cahana, Stephanie Sinclair, and Amy Toensing are known for their intimate, sensitive portraits of people.

The mag thanks The Rockefeller Foundation and members of the National Geographic Guild for their generous support of this series of articles.

Maps and graphics by Virginia Westward. Mason and Jason Treat, NGM Staff. Assistance for the Hungry, sources: USDA; Food Research and Activeness Heart; Heart on Upkeep and Policy Priorities. Stranded in a Food Desert, sources: USDA; City of Houston; U.S. Census Bureau. Crop Subsidies, research: Amanda Hobbs. Sources: Mississippi Department of Human Services; Ecology Working Group; National Cancer Institute.

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Source: https://www.nationalgeographic.com/foodfeatures/hunger/

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